MILITARY RESURGENCE IN AFRICAN POLITICS AND THE DRIVE FOR FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT

The spate of democratic wave that blew across the continent of Africa in the 1990s came with the hope of economic transformation and an end to the decades of backwardness, poverty and want. Prior to this period, democratic governance was the exception rather than the norm. Military high command across the continent dictated the pace for many decades and most times falling short of the messianic appeal that drew them into politics and governing with their diktat nature and abuse of human rights, the economies of most countries of the continent where the military juntas were entrenched, experienced stall and retrogression, creating contrition for grumbling by the weakened civil society in these countries. However, the turn in the dynamics of the international system following the collapse of communism and insistence of the continent’s development partners on democratization, compelled many of the military juntas to retreat back to their barracks, thus opening the space for inflow of investments which is in dire need to reverberate the ailing economies. But after a brief spell of power in the hands of the civilian authorities, the lustre of power seem to be drawing some elements in the military high command to the old scenarios which resemble a reverse wave of democratization, thus allowing the gains of civilian advancement to be lost while the countries relapse. One of the expected areas of relapses with the resurgence of the military back in power is in capital flows into the countries for development purposes. The examines these issues and concludes that the resurgence of military rule in the West African sub-region is a set back to the development of the countries in the sub-regio

LEGISLATIVE POWERS AND CONSTITUENCY PROJECT IN NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC

Modem democracy is all about representation and there is no arm of government where this is better symbolized than the legislature. As a matter of fact, the legislative institution is the least developed of the three arms of government in Nigeria because that institution remained abolished all through the years of authoritarian rule. More so the many years of autocratic rule in Nigeria saw resource allocation appropriated on the whims and caprices of the military leaders were the practice was to unduly favour some communities whereas others neglected because such communities had nobody speaking for the administration. H-owever, the dawn of the Fourth Republic in 1999, brought in a legislature with representatives from the various communities in the country whose responsibility is to ensure that their communities benefit from government projects, thus constituency project as a mechanism used by legislators to ensure equity and spread of government presence across the country became an integral part of the appropriation bill. The insistence of the legislature on constituency project, iJs operation or · implementation over the years has caused controversy and row between the legislature and the executive, sometimes resulting in delays in the passage of budgets. What are the powers of legislative powers of appropriation? Is Constituency project constit-utional? In what ways has the appropriation of cmzstituency projects been managed over the years since Nigeria transited to democracy in 1999? What has been the experience in other climes outside of Nigeria? And what lesson can Nigeria draw from these experiences? This paper examined the concept of constituency projects, its constitutionality, practicability and management. Data was sourced mainly from documentary method and analyzed by descriptive analysis. The paper argues that constituency project is constitutional m1d practiced in other climes, but that the controversy in Nigeria was due to problem of adjustment by the other arms of g-overnment that remained in place during the years of the military_ The paper concludes that with the deepening of representative democracy in · Nigeria, the tension which has been inteHse will ease widz better understanding of denwcra-tic practice

Two Nigerian Ethnonationalist Movements: A Comparison of the OPC and MASSOB

The proliferation of ethnic militia organisations in Nigeria raises questions about the factors responsible for the development. Although reasons adduced from the rhetoric of these organisations point to the politics of exclusion and marginalisation in Nigeria, this form of ethnicity is a new phenomenon. The growth of these militant formations pervading the length and breadth of the country is attributable to the nature and character of the Nigerian state. Perceptions of marginalisation in the distribution of power and resources, and the repressive tactics of the state to sub-national dissent, have encouraged their growth. The Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) are prominent ethnic militia groups that draw membership from major ethnic groups in southern Nigeria. Rivalry and hegemonic competition for the control of the state among the major ethnic groups led to a civil war in the late 1960s, but wartime experiences were not harnessed for a nation-building project. The result was the systematic perversion of the state, which has resulted in throwing up new forms of ethnicity in Nigeria as reflected in the emergence of these organisation

Democracy and the Challenge of Ethno-Nationalism in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic: Interrogating Institutional Mechanics

Nigeria is an amalgam of rival ethnic groups pitched against each other in a contest for power and resources that have reflected in the political processes, sometimes threatening the corporate existence of the country. Right from the constitutional conferences organized during the colonial era down to the ones organized after independence, the question of an acceptable system of co-existence has been contentious. However, the intervention of the military in the political affairs of the country and their long duration in governance, succeeded in abating the full manifestation of ethno-nationalism. But the return of the country to democracy in 1999 has enabled the suppressed ethno-national grievances to explode, throwing up issues beyond the capacities of democratic institutions. It has become a threat to the survival of the country's nascent democracy and its corporate existence. As a result, the democratic government is resorting to the tactics of previous military administrations in the management of these problems. This paper examines the State’s response to an emboldened ethno-nationalism and its implications on the process of democratisation

Ethnic Militia as a Social Pressure in Nigeria's Fourth Republic Politics

The character of the Nigerian state which is anchored on rent and the centralization of power have combined to make quest for power in the country contentious. The entrenchment of differences and rivalry among the ethnic groups to control the soul of the Nigerian state led to several violent confrontations prior to the country's independence. The successive post independent regimes failed to initiate far-reaching policy measures to coalesce ethnic differences into positive ventures that could create a pan Nigerian identity. Instead, most of the policies undertaken were rather aimed at suppressing ethnic consciousness and minimize the challenge it poses to the legitimacy of the state or the authority of the incumbent regime. The result of this is the heightened hegemonic contest for power at the centre by the ethnic groups. This competition for ethnic domination has, over the years, assumed varying forms in the politics of Nigeria. However, the phenomenon of ethnic militia as a strategy for political contention seems to have become an instrument for achieving political ends. This tactics is paying off as legitimate way of attaining power. Therefore, this paper examines ethnic militias as a social pressure group in the Fourth Republic for political contention

Civic- Ethnic Nationalism Dichotomy: Untangling the Renewed Demand for Biafra in Nigeria

Nationalism is a behavioural pattern expressed by a close knitted group to promote and protect the interests of its members at the expense of others who do not belong to the group. it is the feeling of attachment to each other which members of a nation have and to the sense of pride that a nation has in itself. There are different variants of nationalism, but Hans Kohn’s definition of a more ‘liberal, civic, Western’ and ‘illiberal, ethnic Eastern’ nationalism has been highly influential in providing a framework for our understanding of different types of nationalism. Hans Kohn attempted to establish a distinction between the two. He had argued that the idea of nation first arose in countries with strong bourgeoisie or tradition of liberalism and decentralised rule. The new idea he called civic nationalism, inspired millions by promoting the nation as a political community of citizens with equal rights and duties. Central to the new ideology was the notion that every person, irrespective of religion, ethnic or class background could freely join the nation as long as such a person swears allegiance to a set of political principles and institutions representing the nation’s values and objectives. A nationalism of a different kind developed in countries with feudal economics and strong absolute rule, this ethnic nationalism commanded an individual’s absolute commitment to the nation, an attachment overriding all other loyalties. It refuted the notion of voluntary association and the representation of the nation as a modern political community, involved in and committed to contemporary social issues. In which of these variants does the resurgent demand for Biafra fall into? This chapter examines the new call for separation of Biafra from the Nigeria federation. The call by groups varying ideological orientation is hinged on a purported marginalization of mainly Igbo people in Nigeria. This chapter examines this agitation and the activities of groups promoting them as well as the strategies of the state at managing the development. It also attempts to analyze the impact of government response on the activities of these groups demanding for Biafra and its implications for civic nationalism and nation building project

BANK CONSOLIDATION AND INFORMAL FINANCIAL SECTOR IN NIGERIA: ANALYTICAL PERSPECTIVE OF LINKAGE EFFECTS

The financial sector plays significant role in the growth of an economy via the process of directing funds from surplus sector to areas of need - real sector. The operations in which the banking sector can undertake depend, to a large extent, on the soundness of the capital base. Hence, the need for the bank consolidation that is being pursued in Nigeria. However, the Nigerian financial sector is highly dualistic in nature, involving the formal and informal. Using the McK.innon-Shaw analytical framework, the paper examines this policy and explains how it can induce positive influence in the economy, · especially by integrating the informal financial sector. Thus, it is expected that bank consolidation will increase the scope of the financial transactions and create public confidence in the system thereby encouraging those in the informal sector to patronize the formal